Precedent
Jeden z důvodů, kdy není nutné následovat precedent:
per incuriam, or when a case had been impliedly overruled by a later House of Lords decision, or where there was a conflict between two Court of Appeal judgments. This means that it will not be bound by decision reached in ignorance of relevant statute law, or relevant and binding prior precedent of the Court of Appeal or the House of Lords, or unless the precedent had been expressly or impliedly overruled by a subsequent House of Lords decision. (Cf. also Duke v. Reliance Systems Ltd. (1988) Q.B. 108, 113). (s. 326, Interpreting Precedents, United Kingdom)
However, 'leading cases' as such have really no special authority
as precedents; they are features of the doctrinal evolution of law as
much as of the doctrine of precedent itself. (s. 341, Interpreting Precedents, United Kingdom)
Obsah
Filozofické pozadí precedentu
Historically, there have been two principal rationales for precedents
having the kind of status that they have in our system. These
are the declaratory theory and the law-making theory of precedent.
A third view discernible in modern times, but with ancient roots,
might be called the 'determinative theory'.
The declaratory theory represents precedents as evidence of the
law, rather than constitutive of it. The law is conceived as a body of
principles about rights and duties and the like. It is implemented
only partially in statutes, and carried into effect by judicial decisions. (s. 330, Interpreting Precedents, United Kingdom)
This is
especially so where there has grown up a line of decisions on similar
topics in similar tenor. But the law itself is only evidenced and
declared by, not made by, these decisions. (s. 330)
This doctrine of the independent existence of law presupposes an
appropriate ontology for law, and this was supplied by either a
theory of rationally evident natural law or a theory of law-as-custom,
especially as 'learned custom'. Quite often, indeed, the natural law
and the custom view were presented as mutually supportive and
even logically linked. (s. 330)
What is important in the declaratory approach is that it is essentially
custom that gives the rationale for precedent since this gives us
a reason for doing 'what we have always done' as being evidence for
some deeper truth (the will of God or the best way of going about
things). (s. 331)
Teorie soudcovské tvorby práva
Judicial law-making theories start from a denial of the natural law
premises of the declaratory theory. A basic tenet of legal positivism is
that all law derives from authoritative decision, hence all human law
from authoritative human decision. There is no essence of law beyond
or behind what is decided as law by some competent decision
maker. From this it follows obviously that, if precedents are evidence
of the law, they can be so only because judges are accorded authority
to make law through their decisions. Conversely, the very recognition
of precedent as evidence of the law amounts to recognition of
the power of the courts to make law. (s. 331)
Jeremy Bentham, father of
English legal positivism, was particularly strong in his denunciation
of the declaratory theory as a form of mystification of law, hiding the
power of 'Judge and Co', and insistent on recognition of the fact of
'judicial legislation' through precedent. His followers, from John Austin
through to H.L.A. Hart, though less critical of judges and of the
common law than Bentham, retain firmly the view that precedent is
a 'source of law' in the sense that judicial decisions are constitutive
rather than declaratory of law. (s. 331)
During the nineteenth century, and into the twentieth century, the
positivistic view strongly predominated in the legal thought of the
UK. This had considerable impact on the practice of the courts in
relation to precedent, in two ways. First, there was a tendency to ever
stricter doctrines of binding precedent, and to hierarchically ordered
rankings of binding precedent, on the ground that this recognized the
fact of judicial law making, but kept it to a minimum while establishing
a rational hierarchy of interstitial legislative authority among the
courts. Second, there was a considerable theoretical focus on trying to
find exact ways of identifying the rules created by precedents, hence
much focus on elucidations of the idea of the ratio decidendi. (s. 332)
Determinative Theory
The modern stress (cf. Dworkin, 1978; 1986) is on law as grounded
in principles partly emergent from practice and custom, partly constructed
out of moral or ideological elements that bring together
practice and contemporary values in a coherent order (MacCormick,
1984). Legal rules and judicial rulings on points of law are then to be
understood as 'determinations' (in the Thomistic sense) of background
principles - neither simple deductions from them nor arbitrarily discretionary
decisions about them, but partly discretionary decisions
as to the best way of making the law determinate for a given (type
of) case (Finnis, 1985). From this, the best present day rationale of
precedent would seem to be what we would call a 'determinative
theory', which can well account for the continuing role of judicial
precedent as a 'source of law', but a defeasible one. (s. 332)
Doctrines like the 'determinative theory' which suggest a more holistic
approach to legal systems or, more likely, to particular branches of
law, favour the development of a strong sense of underlying principles
proper to particular fields and branches of law, and the taking of
a coherent view of legal doctrines as congeries of principles, values
('policies') and their determination through decision making which
is truly sensitive to the full particularity of contexts of decision. (s. 334)
Závaznost precedentu
In New York, the formal bindingness, force or other support that a
precedent has may vary significantly. The only part of the opinion
which can be formally binding or have high normative force is the
'holding' or 'holdings'. This is the portion of an opinion in which the
court rules on the issue (or issues) necessary to the decision. (s. 383, Interpreting Precedents, USA)
Some parts of an opinion are not formally binding as precedent.
This is true of the views or opinions of the court which are not
necessary to the resolution of the specific issue before the court. This
language is called 'dicta' and it is generally not binding. As indicated,
dicta are usually defined simply as statements in the opinion
'not necessary' to the court's decision on the issue or issues. (s. 384, Interpreting Precedents, USA)
Odchýlení se od precedentu (overruling)
There are at least three major types of justified overruling of precedent.
The first type occurs in instances when technological
innovations or improvements make the precedent obsolete. Because
of the rapid influx of manufactured products into the market-place
in the early twentieth century and the growing number of individuals
being harmed by these products, the MacPherson opinion,
dispensing with the requirement of privity in a negligence action
against the manufacturer, recognized the transformation of American
society through technological innovation. Or, as C ardozo stated
in MacPherson, 'the things subject to the principles do change', as 'the
needs of life in a developing civilization require' (MacPherson, 217
N.Y. at 391).
A second major type of overruling of precedent occurs when the
change or abandonment of precedent is necessary to bring the common
law into line with growing social or moral enlightenment; that
is, when the substantive values upon which the precedent was based
are no longer tolerable. An example of this second type of justified
overruling can be found in the New York case of Woods v. Lancet, 303
N.Y. 349 (1951). The rule prior to this decision, established by the
Court of Appeals in Drobner v. Peters, 232 N.Y. 220 (1921), had been
that an infant could not recover against a defendent who caused it
prenatal injuries in the ninth month of the mother's pregnancy. The
Court of Appeals in Woods found that the rationale for the prior
decision was no longer supportable and that the court was justified
in overruling Drobner in order to 'adapt and alter [the] decisional law
to produce common-sense justice' (Woods, 303 N.Y. at 355). The Court
of Appeals then went on to sustain the plaintiff's right of action. A
new view of moral rightness may have explained this case, and
perhaps the Boomer case, above, too.
A third type of justified overruling is in those instances where
subsequent experience with a precedent shows that it was
substantively quite erroneous or ill-conceived from the beginning. An
example of the Court of Appeals recognizing original error in a prior
decision and overruling the precedent is People v. Nixon, 2 4 8 N.Y. 182
(1 9 2 8 ). In Nixon, the Court of Appeals rejected settled precedent
which had required a defendant in a criminal case tried without a
jury to make a formal motion to dismiss in order to preserve on
appeal his contention that the evidence was legally insufficient to
warrant a conviction. In its overruling of a line of cases, the Court of
Appeals in Nixon described the unfairness of the precedent: 'It is
right that this court should hesitate to overrule a previous decision,
but when convinced that an artificial rule of practice, created by it, is
erroneous and hampers the administration of justice, it is its duty to
refuse to perpetuate previous error' (Nixon, 2 4 8 N.Y. at 192). (s. 396-397, Interpreting Precedents, USA)
Rozdíly mezi kontinentálním a angloamerickým pojetím
they argue that the presence of stare
decisis in English law and its absence in French law derive paradoxically
from the same purpose - the desire of a central government to
strengthen and consolidate its authority. In England historically the
doctrine of precedent assisted the royal courts in gaining authority
over the decentralized customary courts. Had the royal courts failed
to follow their own decisions, they would have created uncertainty
as to what the 'common law' was and thus undercut the common
law's authority. In France the French kings of the ancien regime sought
to consolidate power over the local law-giving bodies by claiming
exclusive legislative power for themselves. The leaders of the French
Revolution apparently followed the same purpose in forbidding
judges to lay down the law. (See Mackenzie Stuart and Warner, 1981,
p. 276.) (s. 425, Interpreting Precedents, ECJ)
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