Byrnepratt2061

In this article, we set out to map the specific context of the emergence of domestic soft law and the conditions for its adoption and reception, relying on our case study conducted in respect of the National Educational Authority's recommendations.Greece emerged as the EU's poster child in the fight against COVID-19 during the first few months of the pandemic. In this contribution, we assess Greece's use of soft regulation in its regulatory response to COVID-19. Using "acts of legislative content", which can be broadly conceptualised as softly adopted hard law, the Greek government largely achieved flexibility and simplified adoption procedures without having to resort to soft law per se. The role of soft law was limited - it complemented hard law rather than constituting the primary basis of COVID-19 restrictions - but not completely negligible. Soft law instruments regulated the processing of personal data, and was also pivotal in clarifying the criminal sanctioning of COVID-related rule violations. Greece's success in handling the first wave of the pandemic, while effective, was arguably unfair to asylum seekers who saw their right to apply for asylum curtailed, and their right to freedom of movement restricted when limitations on the rest of the population were lifted. With a second wave of infections currently in full swing, it is imperative to keep scrutinising regulatory responses to ensure that they place the health and dignity of every individual (whoever they might be) at their core and fully respect their fundamental rights.In combating the coronavirus pandemic in Germany, soft law has played an important, albeit not a central, role. Its use basically corresponds with that of "normal circumstances". In accordance with the German constitutional order, almost all substantial decisions are made in a legally binding form. Ala-Gln purchase However, these are often prepared through or supplemented by soft law. This article shows that soft law has played an important role in fighting the pandemic and its effects in Germany, although there cannot be any doubt that legally binding forms of regulation have prevailed. link2 At the same time, the current pandemic has shed light on the advantages and effects of soft law in the context of the German legal order.In the coronavirus pandemic that has swept the world, the Finnish Government, like many of its peers, has issued policy measures to combat the virus. Many of these measures have been implemented in law, including measures taken under the Emergency Powers Act, or by ministries and regional and local authorities exercising their legal powers. However, some governmental policy measures have been implemented using non-binding guidelines and recommendations. Using border travel recommendations as a case study, this article critically evaluates governmental soft law-making. The debacle over the use of soft law to fight the pandemic in Finland revealed fundamental misunderstandings about the processes and circumstances under which instruments conceived as soft law can be issued, as well as a lack of attention to their effects from a fundamental rights perspective.As a previously unknown virus, the spread of the coronavirus challenged not only medical science and public health systems, but also public governance in all countries. In order to tackle the COVID-19 crisis in China, public authorities at various levels have issued a large number of measures that have no legally binding force, but produce practical effects. A closer look at selected COVID-19 measures in China shows that both the advantages and drawbacks of soft law are brought to the fore by the pandemic. This contribution, focusing on Chinese experiences with COVID-19 soft law, argues that the lack of legal bindingness and consequently of legal enforcement does not make soft law measures ineffective. On the contrary, these "defects" ease the adoption of soft law and ensure its availability to both public authorities and citizens, hence increasing its effectiveness in combating the pandemic. Yet problems remain in realising participatory possibilities and ensuring respect for legality.

COVID-19 is a highly contagious disease. Healthcare professionals (HCPs) are increasingly facing suspected and confirmed cases of COVID-19. To evaluate Iraqi HCPs (physicians, dentists and pharmacists) knowledge, perception and practice towards COVID-19.

This was a cross-sectional, anonymised web-survey, using an electronic application (Surveyheart®). The web-survey link was posted via the closed groups of physicians, dentists and pharmacists in Iraq on Facebook and Twitter. The questionnaire was self-administered and data was collected between, 10th-25th of March 2020.

Three hundred seventy two HCPs participated in the study. The majority of Iraqi HCPs have a good knowledge about the origin, incubation period, the mode of transmission, the common signs and symptoms and the groups of patients who were at higher risk of COVID-19. HCPs identified internet, social media as the main source of information about the disease. The lowest rate of correct answers was found in items related to the virus which is rVID-19 prevention and management.This essay attempts to capture the human rights implications of COVID-19, and responses to it, in the city of York (UK). Three human rights contributions are identified ensuring that responses enhance dignity, the right to life, non-discrimination, and protect the most vulnerable; using human rights when balancing priorities and making difficult decisions; and optimizing the link between disease and democracy. The overarching aim is to localize and contextualize human rights in a meaningful way in the city, and thereby to provide meaningful guidance to the City Council and statutory agencies when implementing the difficult measures required by the pandemic, and to support civil society advocacy and monitoring. This work, led by the York Human Rights City (YHRC) network, illustrates the value of a localized 'thick description' of human rights and the multi-dimensional picture of challenges, innovations and solutions facilitated by such an approach.Moral injury is the profound psychological distress that can arise following participating in, or witnessing, events that transgress an individual's morals and include harming, betraying, or failure to help others, or being subjected to such events, e.g. being betrayed by leaders. It has been primarily researched in the military, but it also found in other professionals such as healthcare workers coping with the COVID-19 pandemic and civilians following a wide range of traumas. In this article, we describe how to use cognitive therapy for post-traumatic stress disorder (CT-PTSD) to treat patients presenting with moral injury-related PTSD. We outline the key techniques involved in CT-PTSD and describe their application to treating patients with moral injury-related PTSD. A case study of a healthcare worker is presented to illustrate the treatment interventions.

(1)To recognise moral injury where it arises alongside PTSD.(2)To understand how Ehlers and Clark's cognitive model of PTSD can be applied to moral injury.(3)To be able to apply cognitive therapy for PTSD to patients with moral injury-related PTSD.

(1)To recognise moral injury where it arises alongside PTSD.(2)To understand how Ehlers and Clark's cognitive model of PTSD can be applied to moral injury.(3)To be able to apply cognitive therapy for PTSD to patients with moral injury-related PTSD.Infectious disease outbreaks have occurred sporadically over the centuries. The most significant ones of this century, as reported by the World Health Organization, include the EVD epidemic, SARS pandemic, Swine Flu pandemic and MERS pandemic. The long-term mental health consequences of outbreaks are as profound as physical ones and can last for years post-outbreak. This highlights the need for enhancing the preparedness of pragmatic mental health service provision. Due to its magnitude, the novel COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be the most impactful. Compared with previous outbreaks, COVID-19 has also occurred at higher rates in frontline staff in addition to patients. As COVID-19 is more contagious than earlier outbreaks, there is a need to identify infected people quickly and isolate them and their contacts. This is the current context in which mental health services including IAPT have had to operate. Evidently, Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) services are a major mental health service nd COVID-19.(3)To reflect on lessons from past outbreaks in order to understand how IAPT can respond to the long-term effects of COVID-19.The worldwide coronavirus pandemic has forced health services to adapt their delivery to protect the health of all concerned, and avoid service users facing severe disruption. Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) services in particular are having to explore remote working methods to continue functioning. Australian IAPT services have utilised remote delivery methods and disruptive technologies at their core from inception. This was to maintain fidelity and clinical governance across vast distances but has allowed training, supervision and service delivery to continue virtually uninterrupted through coronavirus restrictions. On this basis, key recommendations for remote working are outlined. Remote methods are defined as (1) real time delivery, (2) independent delivery and (3) blended delivery. These are applied across three broad areas of remote training, remote clinical supervision and remote service delivery. link3 Recommendations may be of great benefit to IAPT training institutions, clinical supervisors and service providers considering a move towards remote delivery. Challenges, adaptations and examples of applying remote methods are outlined, including case examples of methods applied to low-intensity and high-intensity cognitive behavioural therapy. Remote methods can safeguard service continuity in times of worldwide crisis and can contribute to reducing the impact of increased mental health presentations post-COVID-19.

To understand the core areas of remote training, clinical supervision and service delivery.To review and distinguish between three broad methods of remote working.To understand how to plan remote working via key recommendations and case examples.

To understand the core areas of remote training, clinical supervision and service delivery.To review and distinguish between three broad methods of remote working.To understand how to plan remote working via key recommendations and case examples.The paper forms part of a series of papers outlining the theoretical framework for a new model of uncertainty distress (this paper), treatment implications arising from the model, and empirical tests of the model. We define uncertainty distress as the subjective negative emotions experienced in response to the as yet unknown aspects of a given situation. In the first paper we draw on a robust body of research on distinct areas including threat models of anxiety, perceived illness uncertainty and intolerance of uncertainty. We explore how threat and uncertainty are separable in anxiety and how we can understand behaviours in response to uncertainty. Finally, we propose a clinically, theoretically and empirically informed model for uncertainty distress, and outline how this model can be tested. Caveats, clinical applications and practitioner key points are briefly included, although these are more fully outlined in the treatment implications article. While we outline this model in the context of novel coronavirus (COVID-19), the model has broader applications to both mental and physical health care settings.