Nicholskarstensen2609

Articles published between 1956 and 1972 in the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ) and the Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal (CPAJ) reflect the Canadian medical community's certain interest in mental retardation during this period. Much of the scientific production in this area at that time seems to have been aimed at alleviating the economic burden of mental retardation by making the mentally retarded person autonomous and capable of performing an economic function. This article intends to highlight this ambition to discipline the mentally retarded through the study of the CMAJ and CPAJ articles. check details It begins with a discussion of the diagnosis of mental retardation, followed by a discussion of the treatments, care and services to be offered. The last part of this text deals with the discourse conveyed in the two journals regarding the mentally retarded that seems unable to live outside of the institution and perform an economic function.Since the end of 1970, the World Health Organization has encouraged the development of public policies that expand the approach to care and the therapeutic possibilities offered by its member states beyond technoscientific health care. In Brazil, the institutionalization of this approach is related to the promotion of popular and traditional knowledge associated with the usage of medicinal plants. With this convergence as an argumentative horizon, in this ethnography we examine the institutionalization of pharmaceutical services that have become known in Brazilian public health policy as living pharmacies. This term has been mobilized throughout the history of phytotherapy in Brazil and refers to the possibility of instituting the use of medications that expand care approaches and problem resolution possibilities beyond the domain of the biomedical sciences, evoking alliances with so-called traditional and popular knowledge and practices. For this, we propose and discuss the concept of neo-traditional medicines as a comprehensive-interpretative category, verifying the approximation and distancing points assigned to it in contemporaneous anthropological literature. Beyond the domain of science over other fields of knowledge, we argue in favour of this category in order to present new arrangements and social dynamics that define Brazil's medication policies.This article traces the transformation of the system of control and repression of Brazilian pharmaceutical activities between the 1930s and the 1970s, through a Foucauldian framework of "differential management of illegalisms." The period between 1930 and 1960 can be understood as a process of negotiation between pharmacists and state agencies that achieved a compromise on the differential management of illegalisms in relation to drugs, with a clear distinction between "laymen" and "professionals." This compromise came into question during the dictatorship, due to institutional transformations that reinforced the autonomy of institutions of repression and a military struggle against subversion and corruption. Pharmacists and laymen alike were considered potential suspects. This suspicion even extended to the civilian agencies that were at the core of the regulation of the licit drug market. link2 These developments profoundly changed the way illegalisms committed by professionals and state officials were treated, blurring the boundaries that had been established between laymen, professionals, inspectors, and industrialists. The final section of the article focuses on the various ways in which institutions of repression focused on pharmacists and state regulatory control agencies as potential places of subversive activity or corruption.Narrative-based physician records contain much more than observerless data and diagnoses. Indeed, a "case," the basic currency of medical communication, can be seen as a literary genre, much like a novel or a poem, and given close readings for author voice, tradition, and influences. In this article, I describe my initial encounter with Dr. Wilfred Grenfell's casebooks in a hospital basement in St. Anthony, Newfoundland and Labrador, and my subsequent engagement with them as both a physician and a poet. Adopting Bleakley and Marshall's definition of medical lyricism as the impulse that "draws our attention to delicacy, tenderness and the joyous, and to verve, desire, eroticism, the fecund, abundance and generation," I argue that Grenfell's approach to medicine in early 20th-century Newfoundland and Labrador was both a product of his scientific training and his enculturation at the end of the Victorian period.In the 1940s, Wilder Penfield carried out a series of experimental psychosurgeries with the psychiatrist D. Ewen Cameron. This article explores Penfield's brief foray into psychosurgery and uses this episode to re-examine the emergence of his surgical enterprise. Penfield's greatest achievement - the surgical treatment of epilepsy - grew from the same roots as psychosurgery, and the histories of these treatments overlap in surprising ways. Within the contexts of Rockefeller-funded neuropsychiatry and Adolf Meyer's psychobiology, Penfield's frontal lobe operations (including a key operation on his sister) played a crucial role in the development of lobotomy in the 1930s. The combination of ambiguous data and the desire to collaborate with a psychiatrist encouraged Penfield to try to develop a superior operation. However, unlike his collaboration with psychiatrists, Penfield's productive working relationship with psychologists encouraged him to abandon the experimental "gyrectomy" procedure. The story of Penfield's attempt to find a better lobotomy can help us to examine different forms of interdisciplinarity within biomedicine.In early modern Europe, the global dimensions of the drug trade and the introduction of new substances contributed to the development of new cultures of intoxication. This process was particularly evident in England, where a new intoxication culture emerged from the recognition of how different substances produced similar reactions. Medical travel literature provides a critical source for examining alternative methods of drug consumption in the non-Western world in this period culturally embedded practices like Turkish opium eating or Native American tobacco smoking became significant benchmarks for comparing with Western habits of alcohol consumption. This article argues that the early modern Western medical community relied on comparisons of intoxication in other contexts in an effort to describe its own culturally embedded practices of alcohol intoxication.This article provides context for three studies about early 20th-century medical cases in the geographically distributed humanitarian aid organization founded by Wilfred Grenfell in pre-Confederation Newfoundland and Labrador. It situates these studies within historiographical and theoretical approaches to case histories and their publication by medical practitioners, the background for research on the clinical records of the Grenfell organization's main hospital, and the history behind specific case information for coastal patients. While the cases examined cohere through their organizational origin, the authors of these three studies reveal sometimes unexpected representations of the patient in text and illustration. In these ways, both this introductory article and the following three studies emphasize the enduring appeal of narrative approaches to case writing while also pointing to the evolving ethics of publishing medical reports for general readers and scholars. Together they invite renewed attention to the representation of medical cases in publications that increasingly are available globally in internet collections.This article examines the history of diphtheria in the Yukon and the Mackenzie district of the Northwest Territories in the first half of the 20th century. This analysis follows the traces of this now largely forgotten disease and its treatment to illuminate the constraints - intrinsic and constructed - on the provision of health care commensurate with the expectations and needs of northern Indigenous peoples. While diphtheria was never the most serious infectious disease, nor a major cause of death compared with tuberculosis or influenza at this time, examining its history offers significant insight into the creation of medical and public health infrastructures in Canada's northern territories, and the ways in which those infrastructures served, and failed to serve, different northern populations.In 1906 Dr. Wilfred Grenfell, founder and head of the Grenfell medical mission of northern Newfoundland and southeastern Labrador, published a short article in Putnam's Monthly about a nine-year-old boy named Clem Richards, who had shot himself in the knee while hunting seabirds. The boy's identity was disclosed in full, with Grenfell including his name and image as well as a detailed description of his living conditions. The "story" of the boy's injury and recovery became a favourite of Grenfell's, and it was modified and republished in a number of magazines and books between 1906 and 1923. This article explores the appeal that Richards' accident held for Grenfell and argues that his dramatic mid-winter rescue of the boy helped Grenfell promote his mission and construct a public image of himself that would appeal to American readers and donors. By comparing published accounts with Richards' medical case record, however, we also see how much Grenfell distorted the incident to heighten its drama and reader appeal. The article also considers how the mission's dominance over northern Newfoundland and southeastern Labrador enabled Grenfell to use Richards' name and image for mission publicity with no consideration of patient consent.In contemporaneous and retrospective publications, British physician Donald McI. Johnson wrote about medical cases in 1928-29 for the organization founded by Wilfred Grenfell in Newfoundland and Labrador. The availability of one physician's cases in published and institutional forms allows consideration of discursive representations of patients for general and clinical readers in the two decades of Johnson's writing. This study places these cases within the context of Johnson's medical background and his escape to rural practice in a remote locale, one that emphasized emergency operations in Labrador and hospital care in the organization's main hospital in St. link3 Anthony. In this way, it broadens knowledge of medical care provided by visiting physicians and considers ways in which such physicians represented local patients in publications for the general reader. Although it determines that Johnson was unique, it indicates the value of the fuller study of publications by other physicians associated with the Grenfell organization.

Effective use of technology can provide advantages for both patients and physicians in skin biopsy practice. We aimed to investigate the effects of video-based information on the anxiety, pain and satisfaction levels of patients undergoing biopsy.

Patients were randomized and divided into two groups as video-informed and verbally informed. The anxiety levels were evaluated using the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) and measuring the physiological parameters, systolic and diastolic blood pressure, heart rate, and respiratory rate. After the informing process, the STAI's state form was reevaluated, and physiological parameters were measured again. After the biopsy, the level of pain was evaluated using the visual analog scale (VAS), and patient satisfaction was assessed with the satisfaction scale.

Fifty-two in the video-informed group and 50 in the verbally informed group completed the study. Compared to the baseline values, the STAI and STAI-state scores, systolic blood pressure, heart rate and respiratory rate of the patients in the video-informed group decreased (p<0.