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2). Predictors of LDA were being biologic-naïve [aOR 2.53 (1.31–4.88); 95% CI] and RF negativity [aOR 2.14 (1.12–4.07); 95% CI]. At 1 year, the overall tofacitinib retention rate was 63.9% with no relevant predicting factor. Response and retention rates of tofacitinib were similar in patients with and without concomitant csDMARDs. Treatment failure was the most common cause of discontinuation. The most common infectious and laboratory adverse events were herpes zoster infection (3.9 per 100 patient-years) and elevation in ALT (x3UNL 9.7 per 100 patient-years), respectively.

Tofacitinib is effective as monotherapy or in combination with csDMARDs. It is a well-tolerated treatment option in Turkish RA patients.

Tofacitinib is effective as monotherapy or in combination with csDMARDs. It is a well-tolerated treatment option in Turkish RA patients.

To evaluate the potential protective effects of Ankaferd blood stopper(ABS) in experimental Obstructive jaundice (OJ) model.

The study included 26 female rats which were divided into 3 groups. The sham group, consisting 10 rats, (Group 1) only received solely laparotomy. In the control group, consisting 8 rats, (Group 2), ligation was applied to the biliary tract and no treatment was implemented. In the treatment group, consisting 8 rats, (Group 3), following ligation of biliary tract, 0.5 ml/day ABS was given for 10 days. Liver tissue and blood samples were taken for histopathological and biochemical examination.

Compared to group 2, group 3 had higher aspartate aminotransferase (AST), total oxidant status (TOS) malondialdehyde (MDA), fluorescent oxidant products (FOP) and lower expression of albumine and total antioxidant status (TAS) (p<0.05). In histopathological analysis, the mean scores of all histopathological parameters (fibrosis, portal inflammation, confluent necrosis, interphase activity, bile duct proliferation) have statistical significance between group 2 and group 3 (p<0.05).

ABS has promising results in the treatment of experimental OJ because of its antioxidant and anti-inflammatory properties. It may be used in clinical practice after more extensive studies about the effects of ABS on OJ.

ABS has promising results in the treatment of experimental OJ because of its antioxidant and anti-inflammatory properties. It may be used in clinical practice after more extensive studies about the effects of ABS on OJ.

To investigate the utility of preoperative serum cancer antigen 125 (CA 125) levels in type 1 endometrial carcinoma (EC) as a marker for determining poor prognostic factors and survival.

All patients with endometrial cancer, who had been treated between 2012 and 2020, were retrospectively reviewed, and finally, 256 patients with type 1 endometrium carcinoma were included in the study. The relationship between the clinicopathological characteristics, CA 125 level, and survival rates were analyzed. The cut-off value for the preoperative serum CA 125 level was defined as 16 IU/L.

The median serum CA 125 levels were significantly higher in patients with deep myometrial invasion, lymph node metastasis, lymphovascular space invasion, cervical stromal and adnexal involvement, advanced stage, positive peritoneal cytology, recurrence, and adjuvant therapy requirement. Serum CA 125 cut-off values determined according to clinicopathologic factors ranged from 15.3 to 22.9 IU/L (sensitivity 61%–77%, specificity 52%–73%). The disease-specific survival rate was significantly higher in patients with CA 125 levels < 16 IU/L (P = 0.047).

The data showed that choosing a lower threshold value for the CA 125 level (16 IU/L) instead of 35 IU/L, could be more useful in type 1 EC patients with negative prognostic factors.

The data showed that choosing a lower threshold value for the CA 125 level (16 IU/L) instead of 35 IU/L, could be more useful in type 1 EC patients with negative prognostic factors.In this commentary, we reflect on Rinaldi and Bekker's scoping review of the literature on populist radical right (PRR) parties and welfare policies. We argue that their review provides political scientists and healthcare scholars with a firm basis to further explore the relationships between populism and welfare policies in different political systems. In line with the authors, we furthermore (re)emphasize the need for additional empirical inquiries into the relationship between populism and healthcare. But instead of expanding the research agenda suggested - for instance by adding categories or niches in which this relationship can be observed - we would like to challenge some of the premises of the studies conducted and reviewed thus far. We do so by identifying two concerns and by illustrating these concerns with two examples from the Netherlands.This commentary situates the comments submitted in response to the World Health Organization (WHO) draft guidance on conflicts of interest in national nutrition programs in light of (1) WHO policies to protect WHO integrity; (2) the Framework of Engagement with Non-State Actors (FENSA); (3) WHO's attempt to seek funds due to cuts in member contributions; and (4) attempts-often by corporate entities-to redefine conflicts of interest to avoid oversight of conflicts of interest and increase corporate influence. The WHO guidance defines conflicts of interest in ways that deviate from standard legal usage which confuses its analysis and facilitates the creation of conflicted public-private partnerships. selleck compound The guidance suggests that nations can allow engagement with non-state actors when the benefits are greater than risks without separate check due to conflicts of interest. Instead, the WHO should have recommended that nations seek alternative ways to achieve their goals when non-state actors have significant institutional conflicts of interest.The issue of public health and policy communities engaging with food sector companies has long caused tension and debate. Ralston and colleagues' article 'Towards Preventing and Managing Conflict of Interest in Nutrition Policy? An Analysis of Submissions to a Consultation on a Draft WHO Tool' further examines this issue. They found widespread food industry opposition, not just to the details of the World Health Organization (WHO) tool, but to the very idea of it. In this commentary we reflect on this finding and the arguments for and against interacting with the food industry during different stages of the policy process. While involving the food industry in certain aspects of the policy process without favouring their business goals may seem like an intractable problem, we believe there are opportunities for progress that do not compromise our values as public health professionals. We suggest three key steps to making progress.